Tnkering with Electoral Processes

3 September, 2007

TINKERING WITH ELECTORAL PROCESSES

In Zimbabwe, vote-rigging is well established and it is crafted with rat-like cunning. High on the agenda is the manipulation of the voters' role. Voter registration is carried out every time elections are going to be held to enable the compilation of the final voters' role that would be used in a given election.

The best and simplest way to procure false votes is to invent false voters - "ghosts", as they are known in the trade. In the June 2000 elections, for example, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) discovered large numbers of deceased persons who were still on the voters' role.

The real joy of raising electoral ghosts is that there are no ghost busters: there is no system for checking the accuracy of the voters' role register. The best that can be done is for candidates to examine the voters' register just before an election. However, when opposition candidates in given constituencies try to examine the voters' register, they are hindered by the ZANU (PF) militias (Green Bombers) and the war veterans.

Riggers can find a derelict building, or add a couple of extra houses to a street, or use the address of a hostel or anywhere else with a transitory population, and simply bung in names. Then the paperwork is routinely processed straight on to the register with no attempt at checking.

For those who want to raise ghost votes, registration itself has been made much easier, with the introduction of mobile registration which allows names to be added to the register at any time.

It emerged that ZANU (PF) was moving people from rural areas to register as urban voters to strengthen its chances of wrestling urban constituencies from the opposition. The Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN), whose mandate is to promote free and fair elections, accused the ruling ZANU (PF) party of "busing" its supporters from its rural strongholds to beef up its thin urban voter base.

During the registration of voters for the combined presidential and parliamentary elections in March 2008, it emerged that a housing co-operative (Ernest Kadungure Housing Co-op) in Hatcliffe was allocating stands. ZANU (PF) supporters were then being issued with letters as proof of residence. When the ZESN investigated the incident, it was discovered that there was neither construction nor people living at these stands. What this means is people from outside the Harare North constituency were being registered.

Since 2005, ZANU (PF) has been parcelling out housing stands under the banner of housing co-operatives at various urban farms to its supporters. Most of the housing stands have remained unoccupied because of non-existent service provision. The ZESN said beneficiaries of the housing stands were now being asked to provide five additional people who were also registered in the urban constituencies against a single stand number.

Additional inquiries indicated that the exercise was rampant and widespread throughout the country. ZANU (PF) has systematically "bused" rural supporters to register in urban areas such as Mutare, Kadoma, Chegutu, Gweru, and Masvingo since the voter registration exercise began on June 18. In one case in Mutare Central, twelve people from outside the constituency used the same address to register as voters. Sometimes as many as ten people were using the same water bill to register in a constituency.

"ZANU (PF) officials simply accompany these people and we cannot ask questions in such intimidating circumstances," a Registrar-General-office official told investigators. The ruling party has, since the June 2000 general election, played second fiddle to the opposition MDC in urban constituencies.

The Zimbabwe Civic Education Trust (ZIMCET) also reported that they received "disturbing" reports from some constituencies that included the Harare South constituency where people were allocated new housing stands and were then told they had to register using the new addresses. These were people who are already registered under their current addresses elsewhere. The director of Zimcet said the exercise was reported to have registered 45,000 people. This figure is the equivalent of one constituency.

Another registration scam uncovered was in Mbare high-density suburb of Harare. It was discovered vendors at Mbare Musika market who live elsewhere had been forced to register there by the youth militia, war veterans and soldiers. One report said ZANU (PF) officials had provided these vendors with false proof of residency in Mbare.

Yet another electoral fraud that was discovered in Chitungwiza involved exclusion of addresses of suspected opposition supporters from the blockers manual. A blockers manual is a list of residential properties (addresses) in an urban constituency. The manual is used by the registrar of elections to confirm a voter's address during voter registration. It was alleged that suspected opposition supporters were being turned away from the registration mobiles because the addresses they provided were not on the blockers manual. The ruling party could disenfranchise hundreds of people by excluding their addresses from the blockers manual that is used to compile the voters' role.

When the matter was pursued with the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission officials, it was discovered that a good number of houses were missing; implying that all the tenants of these houses could be disenfranchised. There are grounds to suspect that the omissions might be prevalent throughout the country and have gone unnoticed.

During the March 2005 election, there were reports that between 10% and 25% of voters were turned away from the polling stations. This seems to suggest that the voters' role was being manipulated and was indeed a shambles.

Furthermore, some opposition strongholds were left out of the voter registration exercise. One of the strongholds that reported that no registration teams had been in the area was Masvingo Urban. The ZESN noted that the mobile teams only covered areas on the outskirts of the city. Masvingo residents told the ZESN that officers at the Registrar General's office advised them the registration exercise currently taking place "is for rural areas". It is reported some areas identified as opposition strongholds were not serviced. When the mobile registration exercise ended on August 17, there were reports that hundreds of thousands were denied the opportunity to register to vote.

In Zvimba, Mashonaland West, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission deployed fifty-one mobile registration units. Only one unit was deployed in Harare. Despite the higher population density and larger geographical area in most districts in Manicaland and Masvingo, for instance, there had been fewer mobile registration stations there compared to Mashonaland Central, East and West, traditional ZANU (PF) strongholds where the population density and geographical area is smaller.

Voter registration was being done clandestinely. In the rural areas suspected opposition supporters were being denied the chance to register. There were reports from rural areas that youths were being told that their chance to register will come later. It was claimed that only old people were being allowed into registration centres. The opposition further alleges that investigations had revealed that registration officials in Bulawayo, Midlands North and other areas where ZANU (PF) had negligible support, were registering births and deaths only, and not voters.

In addition, chiefs in the communal lands and landlords in cities and towns were reluctant to give proof of residence to suspected opposition supporters. There were cases where chiefs were refusing to give people letters to prove that they reside in their areas. The Registrar-General's Office, which is responsible for voter registration, requires letters from landlords or water and electricity bills as proof that those seeking to register as voters reside in the constituencies where they want to vote.

Quite naturally, the question arises of how the various stakeholders in the Zimbabwe electoral process should be encompassed in the compilation of the voters' role. This is a key element in contemporary social communication that pulls society into the turmoil of both real and imaginary conflicts.

The very attempt to impose a Marxist-Leninist doctrine to the specific conditions of the Zimbabwean society was based on gross oversimplification. This is the infamous Stalinist method of intolerance towards dissenting voices, where people are bundled and exiled to the "gulag archipelago". The May 2005 Operation Murambatsvina (Drive Out Filth) is a typical example. This rendered homeless up to 700,000 of Zimbabwe's citizens and affected, in one way or another, a further 2.4 million when authorities demolished so-called "illegal" homes and structures housing the informal sector.

Because these people were suspected to be MDC supporters and potential election winners for the opposition, they were being driven to their respective communal areas. Here, they would be under the control of government supporters and traditional chiefs who are bribed through financial and motor-vehicle perks to support the ruling ZANU (PF). Those that have resisted relocating, have remained homeless, and, thus, have become disenfranchised as they have no proof of residence to register as voters.

In essence, the regimental methodology is based on revolutionary sloganeering of the ruling ZANU (PF) party. The principle of regimentation characterised all former Soviet Republics' propaganda. In Zimbabwe, this principle is compounded with two seemingly complementary resources: crisis-stricken consciousness and the political interest of the ruling elite. This combination, given the nature of its manifestation, can, with good reason, be defined as the machination of graft and overt violence.

The detrimental impact of such machinations, tuned to perfection during the mid-1980s and 1990s, is especially felt in a period of crisis. Events leading to the 1987 Unity Accord where the opposition PF-ZAPU was swallowed by ZANU (PF) is a typical example. This, above all, concerns the principle of identification - to be precise, the process of identification means the formation of a social-individual ego, the transformation of the individual into "we", into some kind of collective entity: "we will never be a colony again". This collective entity is only preserved if each individual harbours within himself and is the bearer of its fundamental values.

Zimbabweans are clamouring for free and fair elections. The fear of reverting into a British colony is neither here nor there. It is logical that Zimbabwe will never be a British colony again. What is at stake is a government that is accountable to the taxpayer that foots its pay cheque. When elections are rigged in favour of the ruling party, voters have the right to demand the levelling of the electoral system.

Another very common way of rigging an election is through the delimitation of constituencies. All countries, in the interests of equal representation, adjust their electoral boundaries to reflect population changes. Most democracies hand over this job to independent commissions, which content themselves with tinkering with existing boundaries.

In Zimbabwe, the people who serve on the Delimitation Commission are appointed by President Robert Mugabe, directly and indirectly and report to him. Some are public servants vulnerable to all sorts of political pressures. Others are simply ruling party functionaries. The Delimitation Commission delineates the boundaries of the 120 constituencies. It has often been accused of gerrymandering. Its reduction of constituencies for the March 2005 election, by four, in areas controlled by the opposition Movement for Democratic Change is a point in question. It increased them by the same number in regions where the ruling ZANU (PF) dominates.

The creation of new parliamentary seats, even though the present parliament space cannot accommodate so many MPs, is meant to boost the ZANU (PF) majority. This enables the ruling party to create more constituencies in areas ZANU (PF) considers politically safe. The 18th constitutional amendment envisages increasing parliamentary seats from 120 (150) to 180 (210), with the president retaining his prerogative to nominate 20 MPs and the reserved 10 seats for the traditional chiefs.

The location of polling stations has caused concern since the emergence of a strong opposition party in the June 2000 election. During the presidential election of March 2002 and then the March 2005 parliamentary election, there were polling stations that were closed without warning or simply moved without notice, and they happened to be in predominantly opposition areas.

Coupled with well-documented violence and intimidation, the forced exclusion of the opposition polling agents from the majority of rural polling stations made it easy for the ruling party to rig the results in the given constituencies. ZANU (PF)'s electoral deceit worked only where there was nobody to expose it. It is not surprising, therefore, that in many rural areas the broadcast figures differed by thousands from the total numbers of people recorded as having voted in March 2005.

President Mugabe should demilitarise the electoral process. The generals, whose junior heads the Electoral Supervisory Commission, have compromised their neutrality by agreeing to let the army make a "heavy" presence at polling stations and to take part in the manning of polling stations and the vote-counting process, alongside the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission. The ruling ZANU (PF) has for long been accused of using and abusing the state security agents such as the Zimbabwe National Army, the Zimbabwe Republic Police and the Central Intelligence Organisation in torturing and intimidating opposition supporters and any perceived enemies.

Another very subtle way of vote rigging is denial of food during electioneering. The government put a parliamentary scheme for MPs to buy maize for their constituencies. It appeared the parliamentary scheme was only open to ZANU (PF) legislators who used food for coercing villagers to their rallies. In that way, poverty and food-for-votes are also being used to bring people round. It has been reported that Mugabe's government withholds food and medical services from the young and old alike if they cannot prove they belong to ZANU (PF).

But riggers are at their most inventive when they steal the votes of real people. They do this primarily by abusing the system for postal votes, which allow you to vote at a distance. This is rigger heaven. There are provisions made by the government of Robert Mugabe to enable soldiers and the diplomatic staff based outside Zimbabwe to vote. Although the same provisions can be extended to cater for millions of Zimbabweans in the Diaspora, the Harare authorities have consistently disenfranchised these Zimbabwean citizens. There have also been reports that the diplomatic bags were stuffed with ballot papers of none existent soldiers and policemen serving abroad. This was reported to be prevalent during the war in the DRC.

There is no mechanism for detecting the fraud. The only check on the validity of the hundreds of thousands of new postal voters is that each applicant's name must be on the electoral register. This is no problem for riggers who steal the votes of real people.

In a move that looks at best over-confident and at worst like an invitation to corruption, the electoral rules have been changed, with the effect of increasing the potential for abuse. And, despite a steady trickle of alarming revelations, almost nothing has been done to make it more difficult: every electoral process is now potentially rotten. Elections are not just a function of the range and qualities of liberties guaranteed to voters by the constitution, but are also defined by the overall institutional framework within which they take place. Studies have shown that voters' behaviour is largely influenced by their institutional and sociological environment.

Political factors bring into play an array of forces and divisive elements that can impose severe stresses on the institutional fabric of democracy and indeed on the integrity of electoral processes. This imposes an obligation on all political stakeholders to help develop mechanisms that promote national consensus, mechanisms that deepen and give substance to the concept of consent, participation, legitimacy and accountability to the people. The crucial point is that the will of the people should be freely expressed within a framework of respect for the essentials of democracy. Thus, the question of whether an election is free and fair is generally settled by the quality of its electoral system.

When the ruling party gazettes regulations to prohibit voter education by the opposition and other civic organisations, this is an open denial of a fundamental voters' right to learn about the contesting parties and their manifestos.

The ability of the Press to guide societies to meet their values and aspirations, to advocate, nurture and institutionalise the rule of law, freedom and justice and to root out corruption, indiscipline and general lawlessness, makes it cardinal among all institutions in ensuring societal perfection. Its ability to educate, entertain and disseminate information gives it a plus in the chartering of a free and fair electoral process.

Zimbabwe has some of the world's toughest media and security laws and human rights groups have accused Mugabe of selective use of legislation to stifle democratic space. Unfortunately, attacks and harassment of journalists by ZANU (PF) supporters are common in Zimbabwe ahead of elections. Several journalists have been arrested, beaten up and even murdered in the line of duty over the past four years.

In a bizarre incidence at the end of July 2007, the wife of Zimbabwe army commander, Jocelyn Chiwenga, beat up award-winning photographer Tsvangirayi Mukwazhi who was covering a tour of supermarkets by opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai. Earlier in March, the photo journalist, who was suspected for having filmed the opposition leader after he was battered while in police custody, was abducted and murdered by suspected government vigilantes.

The Zimbabwean government, that has shut down four privately-run newspapers and arrested over a hundred journalists, accuses independent and foreign-based media of pushing a "regime change" agenda in the country.

Indeed Robert F. Kennedy did not mince words declaring that, ‘In my opinion, the newspapers are equal to the courts, and sometimes ahead of the courts in our system in protecting the people's fundamental rights.'

True, the Press' watchdog role safeguards the rights and liberties of people against all sorts of abuses and encroachment. Thus, all forms of social, economic, political and moral injustice and all acts of lawlessness, which are inimical to societal growth, order and perfection, are exposed for redress.

The vigilance of the Press before, during and after elections promotes free and fair elections. It ensures transparency and prevents vote rigging, other electoral malpractices and informs voters of the choices to make and educates them on the need to accept election results.

Meanwhile, the cat is finally out of the bag. In its mediation process, South Africa has stated that there is no time in Zimbabwe to discuss the constitution before the next election. The demand for a new constitution has been on the agenda since the mid-1990s and is meant to protect fundamental human rights such as freedom of expression and assembly. Even during his 2003-2004 mediation, President Thabo Mbeki had negotiated a draft constitution pencilled out by both Patrick Chinamasa (ZANU-PF) and Welshman Ncube (MDC). But now Zimbabweans are being told that it is more important to have another flawed election for which the SADC will plead a retrospective acceptance as having been free and fair.

For the SADC leaders to conclude (during their recent summit in Zambia) that the problems in Zimbabwe were "exaggerated", reflects a limited understanding of the problem in Zimbabwe - most likely self deception. This fixation could further jeopardise the chances of the southern African country for redemption from its present despicable state.

What exaggeration is it when economic analysts and political observers say the June year-on-year inflation was 7,600%, unemployment at 85% and 80% of the 12 million inhabitants live below the poverty datum line? At least 4,000 Zimbabweans are reported to be escaping into South Africa every night because of the worsening political and economic situation in Zimbabwe. Botswana, Zambia and even Namibia are other destinations.

There is no doubt, students of history will have a field day analysing SADC contradictions that include failure to enforce their own "Guidelines and Principles Governing Democratic Elections" adopted in Mauritius in August 2004.