24 June 2008.

A STATE OF ANARCHY

The reason Zimbabwe is in a state of anarchy is mainly because the 1970s liberation war was violent, and few liberation movements in Southern Africa have attempted to restore a culture of non-violence. Once the liberation movements took over power from the colonial masters, they felt so invincible that opposition parties were regarded as stooges of the former colonial powers. Thus, it is no surprise that Robert Mugabe finds it easy to cause anarchy to the socio-economic infrastructure of the country using violence against the people he helped liberate from Britain. The colonial state apparatus was attuned to that purpose.

It is pertinent to mention that on taking over the reigns of power in 1980, Robert Mugabe retained all the repressive laws which he continues to use against his own people in order to stay in power. Once violence was used to cause mayhem and distress, it is easy to use it to cow down the population with maximum effect as is being done by ZANU (PF).

Political analysts say its behaviour during the run-off campaign period demonstrates that ZANU (PF) never made the transition from being a guerrilla army to a government. ‘They just don't know how to govern. Mugabe and ZANU (PF) obviously never made the psychological adjustment from waging war to governing in peace.'

Instead of being engaged in the enterprise of nation building, Robert Mugabe and his coterie believe that Zimbabweans owe them something and the changes they clamour for will occur at their will. It is for this reason that since the March 29 elections, Robert Mugabe and his military junta have reduced Zimbabwe to a state of anarchy - where terror reigns. Despite ZANU (PF)'s parliamentary losses, Mugabe, who has ruled the southern African country for the past 28 years, has shown little sign of accepting change. Mugabe has repeatedly vowed he will not accept Tsvangirai's victory on June 27.

On June 13, Mugabe vowed never to "allow the pen (the ballot) to remain mightier that the sword" and threatened to go to war if he lost the presidential election re-run to Tsvangirai. "Surely democracy can't mean the right to pawn our sovereignty. We are prepared to fight for our country if we lose it the way it was lost to Mbuya Nehanda," Mugabe said.

"We will not sanctify the politics of the opposition when they seek to overturn and subvert our sovereignty. This country came through bloodshed. And we are expected to allow our country to be governed by nonentities? That will never happen. British rule ended. Let them heed that the war was meant to destroy British rule and kick out settlerism," he said in a speech at the funeral of a former army general.

What's the purpose of calling for an election run-off and spend a lot of tax payers' money if Mugabe is not prepared to accept the outcome unless it goes his way? Even with a pledge of a US$60 million advance from SADC, the presidential balloting will leave the country worse off. ZANU (PF) MP-elect, Ignatius Chombo, said that his party had been allocated Z$21 trillion for electioneering purposes in Mashonaland West province alone. This proves the magnitude of the financial commitment required to stage the contest assuming the remaining nine provinces have been awarded similar amounts.

Where is the logic for Robert Mugabe to continue talking of the threat of British rule when Mugabe's ZANU (PF) party has been in control for almost three decades, sufficient time enough to address the alleged ills of colonialism or imperialism? Robert Mugabe and his clique have no ideas, no solutions for Zimbabwe's problems. Their campaign message is directed at Gordon Brown and George Bush. Voters' interests lie in the restoration of basic necessities like food, clean water and electricity, functioning educational and health systems and not the recycled arguments on "isms". While Robert Mugabe mourns about the vices of "settlerism", voters can no longer stomach his corrupt rule.

Forty prominent personalities on the African continent, who include former African presidents, luminaries and leading civil and business leaders, made a dramatic intervention in the Zimbabwe crisis by publicly calling for an end to political violence ahead of the presidential election run-off. In a collective statement on June 14, they had this to say in the Financial Times in London, Johannesburg's Business Day and the International Herald Tribune: "Zimbabweans fought for liberation in order to be able to determine their own future. Great sacrifices were made during the liberation struggle. To live up to the aspirations of those who sacrificed, it is vital that nothing is done to deny the legitimate expression of the will of the people of Zimbabwe....

"Consequently, we are deeply troubled by the current reports of intimidation, harassment and violence. It is vital that the appropriate conditions are created so that the Presidential run-off is conducted in a peaceful, free and fair manner. Only then can the political parties conduct their election campaigning in a way that enables the citizens to express freely their political will."

The appeal was signed by former presidents such as Jerry Rawlings of Ghana, Abdusalami Abubakar of Nigeria, Joaquim Chissano of Mozambique, Benjamin Mkapa of Tanzania, Ketumile Masire and Festus Mogae of Botswana and Nicéphore Soglo of Benin; former UN Secretary-Generals Boutros Boutros-Ghali and Kofi Annan; leading civil society activist and now the spouse of democratic South Africa founding president, Nelson Mandela, Graça Machel; Nobel Prize laureates, Desmond Tutu of South Africa and Wangari Maathai of Kenya, former Secretary-General of the OAU, Salim Ahmed Salim; former Managing Director of the World Bank, Mamphela Ramphele; former President of the African Development Bank, Babacar Ndiaye; and two of the continent's leading musicians, Youssou N'Dour of Senegal and Angelique Kidjo of Benin, among others.

They called on the Zimbabwe government to restore full access to the country for humanitarian and aid agencies helping to feed an estimated four million deprived citizens. ZANU (PF)'s strategy is multi-pronged and involves banning non-governmental organisations allegedly campaigning for Tsvangirai, dishing out inducements like food, especially maize, to villagers, use of propaganda, blocking access to the state media and taking charge of the electoral process using the police.

A strong security fire wall has been built to block Tsvangirai from penetrating deep into rural areas to campaign. Mugabe meanwhile has a free rein to campaign with extraordinary intensity. While Mugabe has commandeered state resources - including the security machinery and the public media to campaign for him - Tsvangirai's rallies are being blocked to limit his access to the voters.

The Joint Operations Command launched a brutal harassment campaign against the MDC, the Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN), NGOs and other civic organisations with Morgan Tsvangirai having been detained five times in a week (twice on June 12). Ironically, he was not formally charged in any of the incidents. The MDC says 86 of its followers have been murdered, more than 200 missing and more than 25,000 having been beaten, tortured and displaced from their homes. In addition, nearly 8,000 homes have been torched.

The brutal campaign has evolved into a full-blown military strategy of abductions and murders of opposition MDC activists and supporters.

High Court orders demanding that rallies be allowed to go ahead without interference have been ignored. After having prevented Tsvangirai from addressing rallies, the tactic of repeated detention was yet another despicable example of the regime's concerted effort to ensure that the MDC that won the parliamentary election cannot mount an effective presidential run-off campaign. With nothing to offer the electorate, Mugabe's regime has resorted to frustrating the MDC's political campaign structures.

Police, on June 13 impounded MDC's two campaign buses. Earlier on June 12, police arrested Secretary General Tendai Biti as he arrived at Harare International Airport following two months of self-imposed exile in South Africa. Biti was being charged with ‘treason and communicating statements prejudicial to the state,' after he pre-empted the suspected rigging attempts of the electoral commission by announcing the election results.

The previous week, Tsvangirai's tour of rural Matabeleland was disrupted when police impounded the South African registered BMW X 5 armoured vehicle that he was using. They claimed the driver was not authorised to drive the vehicle under the Customs and Excise Act, a claim dismissed as frivolous by party lawyers.

All the venues Tsvangirai had selected to use for his rallies were sealed off by soldiers who camped overnight in the grounds. He was twice arrested in Matabeleland while on campaign and detained for over eight hours in Lupane and three hours in Esigodini. Reports said riot police were trailing his campaign convoys and violently dispersing people every time Tsvangirai stopped to meet supporters.

At least 200 senior army officers were deployed nationwide to campaign for Mugabe. The team is understood to be divided into ten provinces led by senior army commanders. It was reported that the military was deployed on April 8 after the key Joint Operations Command and ZANU (PF) politburo meetings on April 4. The politburo resolved that ZANU (PF) must use a "warlike/military-style" campaign strategy to ensure Mugabe wins. Reports claim Zimbabwe Defence Forces (ZDF) commander General Constantine Chiwenga, Zimbabwe National Army commander Lieutenant-General Phillip Sibanda, Air-Marshall Perence Shiri, Major-General N. Dube, Major-General Last Mugova and Colonel S. Mudambo are coordinating the military operation.

Chiwenga, Police Commissioner-General Augustine Chihuri, Prison commissioner retired Major-General Paradzai Zimondi, Army Chief of staff Major-General Martin Chedondo and Brigadier-General D. Sigauke have openly said they would not accept Tsvangirai even if he wins the presidential run-off.

All this is happening as the African Union and Zimbabwe's neighbours (except Botswana) and the rest of SADC leadership look on with seeming disinterest. This is the time to make a clear distinction between remaining neutral and intervening to prevent the rape of democracy. Urgent action is required to prevent a further deterioration of this state of anarchy. The situation in Bikita and Zaka in Masvingo resembles a war zone. Mugabe must be told that he has no option but to relinquish power as the people of Zimbabwe already rejected him. It must also be made clear that he will be held personally responsible for crimes against humanity as currently being witnessed.

The general forecast was that Mugabe was headed for a second defeat at the polls in three months since March, as Zimbabweans accuse him of presiding over the collapse of the country's economy and now of orchestrating the widespread violence that has engulfed Zimbabwe ahead of the election run-off on June 27. In addition to intimidation and harassment, the ZANU (PF) government has increased wages for civil servants and is giving out food vouchers in an attempt to ease pressure on Zimbabweans grappling with an economic meltdown. However, reports from the ground said the carrot and stick strategy was backfiring, and instead strengthening the resolve of those the ruling party has victimised to change the government.

Zimbabwe has law courts and yet the people who are supposed to be custodians of the law perpetrate unlawful acts. The Deputy Attorney General in charge of the Criminal Division, Johannes Tomana, was quoted in the state media on June 11 saying it had been decided "that those arrested are locked up right up to trial. Bail is opposed as a matter of policy".

However, it is solely within the mandate and function of courts and not the AG's office to decide on the basis of the evidence before them whether bail should be granted. These are elementary tenets of criminal procedure and constitutional law. In terms of the Constitution of Zimbabwe, all accused persons have a fundamental right to be presumed innocent until proven guilty by a court of law. They also have the right to their liberty and the right to protection of the law as guaranteed in sections 11 and 18, respectively.

Human rights lawyers said it was unacceptable at law and in practice for the State, through the AG's office, to override the function of the judiciary, by issuing a widely publicised policy decision to deny bail without just and reasonable cause. "It usurps the functions of the judiciary, and places executive pressure on an independent arm of government," said Irene Petras, the national director of the Zimbabwe Lawyers for Human Rights.

Bail is an entitlement that is provided to accused persons to ensure that, from the time of their arrest to the finalisation of their trial, their right to liberty is not unreasonably and unnecessarily violated. Scores of opposition supporters and officials accused of inciting violence are presently languishing in jails after being denied bail. They include Eric Matinenga, the Buhera West MP-elect. Matinenga, who was released by a court on June 12, was re-arrested on fresh charges of inciting violence in his constituency.

Added to this list is now Tendai Biti the police have been failing to bring to court for a formal hearing. The law stipulates that if the police fail to present charges in time, an arrested individual should be released. The police can proceed by way of summons. Biti has not been officially charged and has been held for nearly two weeks, longer than the legally stipulated 48 hours.

Opposition leaders, elected members of parliament and supporters, civil society activists, journalists and even foreign diplomats have been arrested in this escalating crackdown. And security agents bash the opposition with impunity in the countryside. When the bashed opposition activists go to police stations, they are put under arrest for reporting political violence: the victim is accused of being the perpetrator of the violence. In other incidents, hundreds of opposition activists are in jail on trumped up charges of inciting violence after being tortured and dumped at police stations.

Armed militias have been given free reign throughout the countryside, and now even in the urban areas, to steal, torture, rape and pillage in the name of ZANU (PF). ZANU (PF) thugs indiscriminately beat up people with the police watching and doing nothing. The police, partisan at the best of times, have become the major perpetrators of the barbaric, state-sponsored anarchy.

Despite a High Court order for soldiers to withdraw from the rural areas and return to barracks, they continue to wage war on the defenceless population whose only crime has been to exercise their democratic right to vote for whomever they choose. ZANU (PF) activists are killing and beating Zimbabweans to punish them for allegedly trying to reverse the gains of the country's independence when they voted for the opposition in the March 29 harmonised elections, in which the MDC emerged with more members of parliament than ZANU (PF), the first time this has happened since independence in 1980. The continued crackdown on the MDC and its leaders was likely to scuttle the SADC-initiated talks aimed at ensuring a peaceful run-off that would provide an orderly transition to democracy.

Zimbabwe has grappled with severe food shortages since 2000 when Mugabe launched his haphazard fast-track land reform exercise that displaced established white commercial farmers and replaced them with either incompetent or inadequately funded senior government officials, judges, army commanders and police commissioners and ZANU (PF) cronies. This has led to the collapse of Zimbabwe's agricultural sector, once the bread basket of Africa. Food and other assistance from international agencies including UNICEF, CARE, Oxfam and World Vision International are critical to the survival of millions of Zimbabweans who cannot afford basic foodstuffs due to skyrocketing inflation and the government's disastrous economic mismanagement.

John Holmes, the UN's top humanitarian official, told the UN Security Council that up to four million people - a third of the population - need aid. ZANU (PF) has stooped so low as to steal food aid intended for hungry schoolchildren and giving it to government supporters. A shipment of 20 tons of US-donated grain, beans and oil being sent to a school in eastern Zimbabwe was hijacked by security forces and then distributed to Mugabe's supporters at a ZANU (PF) rally. The June 6 incident took place before the government ordered independent relief agencies to halt distribution of aid in what is widely seen as an attempt to use food as an election weapon denying food and other assistance from those suspected to support the Movement for Democratic Change during the presidential run-off.

As the brutal government crackdown on the MDC continues and widens its net, there is no indication that what Gideon Gono, the Reserve Bank Governor, has dubbed "the inflation monster" and "economic HIV" will be curbed, or that the Zimbabwean ordeal will end. With the highest inflation rates in the world (1,700,000%) and financial chaos at both government and street level, local currency has become a conundrum, even a joke, to many Zimbabweans. Nobody bothers to pick up discarded Zimbabwe dollars as they are not worth even a single sheet of toilet paper - offered in the supermarket for Z$15.3 billion per pack of four. A litre of cooking oil costs Z$20 billion. In Harare the rubbish bins tell the story of a currency that is no longer worth carrying around. The impact of the economic collapse is felt on every street corner and by every business.

Economic analysts in Zimbabwe say that the actual rate of inflation could have reached 2,000,000%. Supermarket tills, cash machines and wallets fail to accommodate the large number of bills now needed to purchase basic commodities.

Meanwhile, Zimbabwe's domestic debt soared to Z$7.1 quadrillion on May 5 from Z$2.5 quadrillion at the end of March. Government's propensity to rely on borrowed funds in order to meet its patronage system has pushed the domestic debt up. It is evident that the solvency of the government is already seriously compromised. The unprecedented rise in government debt levels, which over the years was sparked by huge interest payments, this time, ballooned due to the central bank's advances to the government, according to figures obtained from the central bank in mid-June.

With inflation at about two million percent, the government's huge appetite for cash is also likely to spur increased money printing, pushing money supply (M3) growth. Money supply is the total supply of money in circulation in a given country's economy at a given time. It is considered an important instrument for controlling inflation. Money supply growth continued on an upward trend, increasing to a new record of 81,143.1% in January from the December figure of 64,113%, official figures revealed on June 12.

The figure would be over 400,000% by the end of June, due to expansionary fiscal and monetary policies being implemented by the government and the central bank. Month-on-month currency in circulation rose from 4 trillion in December to 283.3 trillion in January 2008, i. e. in a space of just one month. These figures have the potential to scare investors away from Zimbabwe.

Local companies have also been discouraged from investing on the local market due to the general uncertainty about the future values of their currency holdings or investment portfolio which in turn leads to low levels of employment and economic growth.

The Reserve Bank of Zimbabwe advances to the government accounted for 80% of total debt. Interest payments have for years remained over 70% of the total debt; a situation economists say is evidence that the government is broke and had no other source of revenue than the domestic market. The increasing government debt stock raised fresh fears of renewed turbulence in the crisis-sapped economy as state anarchy reigns supreme.

The government has been forced to rely on domestic borrowings because the tax revenue base has dwindled because of company closures which have led to retrenchments. This means that in real terms the government is collecting less revenue through corporate and income tax.

This economic anarchy is typified by contradictory policies such as the floating of exchange rates and the price controls and expanding quasi-fiscal activities by the central bank, the result of which is the increase in money supply growth. Beyond the short-term need for political survival, the country's economic model remains uncertain, if not non-existent. Economic analysts say this is caused more by a crisis of governance than an economic crisis.

For example, the current rise in inflation has been entirely man-made. Inflation surged between February and April following the sudden rise in money supply that flooded the market to finance the March 2008 elections and the June 27 presidential run-off. In an effort to win votes, the ZANU (PF) government has increased civil servants' salaries and printed money for unbudgeted for social welfare programmes. Reflecting these expenses, the money market is currently in a huge surplus.

Since the floatation of exchange rates, the Zimbabwe dollar has been depreciating by an average of 20% daily due to sustained pressure on an unsupported market (US$1 = Z$4 billion). The parallel market has been ferociously resurgent, with the interbank market playing fiddle.

What the economy needs is an urgent overhaul of both the political and financial structures and a government capable of identifying and addressing the core of policy dysfunctions. To achieve this, there is need for democratic elections that would allow Zimbabweans to choose a government that is capable of fulfilling their aspirations.

The hindrance to these aspirations is the JOC's heartless brutality which has taken a brand never expressed by any present or previous African dictators such as Idi Amin, Sani Abacha, Kamuzu Banda, Mobutu Seseko and Charles Taylor. The massacres during the 1980s Gukurahundi, the senseless destruction of the 2005 Murambatsvina and the current diabolical killings, beatings, burnings and maiming that started after ZANU (PF) lost both the presidential and parliamentary elections on March 29, bear Robert Mugabe's personal stamp.

Mugabe and members of the Joint Operations Command have all shared in the spoils of power. They own businesses, farms, mines. They amassed incredible wealth during the DRC military campaign where they plundered diamonds. These diamonds were supposed to be used as payment to the fiscus for the cost of Zimbabwe's military intervention in the Congo civil war.

With ongoing voter intimidation, it was too late to ensure a fair election. The writing was on the wall and Robert Mugabe and his henchmen were determined to disrupt the democratic process. After Mugabe was dealt a fatal blow on March 29 the people realised he can be defeated at the polls. Mugabe must have been informed that he was never going to win the election and this is proven by the outburst that he was going to go to war if he loses the June 27 plebiscite.

It did not come as a surprise for many observers that the MDC decided to pull out of the presidential run-off. On June 22, the party decided it cannot participate in an election where innocent civilians were being massacred under the pretext of defending the "sovereignty" of the country.

Citing violence, intimidation and harassment of the party's leadership by Mugabe's ruling ZANU (PF) party supporters and state security forces, the MDC President said, "We in the MDC have resolved that we will no longer participate in this violent illegitimate sham of an election process.

"The courageous people of this country and the people of the MDC have done everything humanely and democratically possible to deliver a new Zimbabwe under a new government. We urge SADC, African Union and the United Nations to intervene urgently in this unprecedented situation to restore the rule of law, peace and conditions for a free and fair election."

Participating in the re-run would have meant legitimising the deeds of this cruel dictator and his criminal gang. Since March 29, ZANU (PF) has been harassing and killing MDC polling agents and ZESN election observers. The impunity of the Mugabe regime was exposed when two MDC activists were shot dead in the presence of SADC election observers. One wonders what more was expected of the MDC to do to ensure a semblance of an orderly presidential run-off? Morgan Tsvangirai told reporters that he could not lead his supporters like sacrificial lambs to slaughter by participating in the election.

Commenting on MDC withdrawal from the run-off, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon said he was distressed by the events leading to Tsvangirai's withdrawal. "There has been too much violence and too much intimidation. A vote held in these conditions would lack all legitimacy."

The setback in democratic processes and the dastardly brutality also come at a price for Zimbabwe's neighbours, particularly those, like South Africa, who have been inundated with millions of Zimbabwean refugees fleeing their country's violence and economic turmoil. This has unleashed widespread violence in South African cities with South African blacks attacking the "foreigners" now blamed for taking away jobs from local people or accused of other alleged sins. A South African government spokesman said at least a third of the 62 people killed in xenophobic violence that hit South Africa last month were South African citizens.

A hero of the 1970s war of liberation, Mugabe, 84, is now fighting for his political legacy after suffering a humiliating defeat by Tsvangirai in March.

What is now at stake is thus not merely Robert Mugabe's blatant violation of human rights in Zimbabwe and his attempts to thwart the democratic process there, but also the very stability of an entire region of southern Africa. African leaders confront a very unpalatable reality. Even if Mugabe is now able to declare himself duly elected by default, the continuing deterioration of the socio-economic situation in Zimbabwe is likely to release yet another flood of refugees into neighbouring countries already burdened by their own serious socio-economic problems.

Thabo Mbeki's discredited "quiet diplomacy" has done more harm than good. South Africa needs a more effective strategy to promote human rights and the rule of law in Zimbabwe. It is high time African leaders face up to the ugly reality they now confront by their inaction over Zimbabwe. It is now high time they leave up to the AU Constitutive Act which professes "to promote and protect human and peoples' rights, consolidate democratic institutions and culture, and to ensure good governance and the rule of law".

Lastly, it is intuitive that on June 20 Robert Mugabe declared: "Only God can remove me from power." Mugabe must realise that his challenge would have been heard where such things matter and that his plea is being attended to. As the Scriptures state, "Ask and it shall be given you.... he that killeth with the sword must be killed with the sword." (Mat. 7:7; Rev. 13:10)