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November 12, 2007
POLITICAL VIOLENCE: NOT A FIGMENT OF ONE'S IMAGINATION
President Robert Mugabe, dismissing claims by the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) that its supporters are victims of politically motivated violence said, "From out of the blue, his (Tsvangirai's) party is making unsubstantiated reports of growing and sustained politically motivated violence being perpetrated against its supporters." He was quoted in The Herald of October 27 in a speech at the opening of his ruling party Central Committee meeting the previous day.
"Let it be known that we will not take kindly to ‘cry wolf' boys, desperately pretending to be politicians and seeking to embellish their faltering ambitions through falsehoods," Mugabe said. He challenged the MDC, the main opposition party that holds forty-one seats in Zimbabwe's Parliament, to substantiate allegations of attacks on its followers.
It is a sign of the Zimbabwean President's height of arrogance. It cannot be that he is misinformed about what is happening right in his backyard. It is quite obvious Mugabe remains unmoved by the deepening politico-economic crisis and is determined to consolidate the politics of coercion as opposed to consent.
The whole international media was awash with pictures of the brutalised Morgan Tsvangirai as he was being brought to the Magistrates Courts in Harare, a stone-throw away from ZANU (PF) Headquarters. Video footage showed his head gashed as he had been tortured while in police custody on March 11 2007. Lovemore Maduku, the chairman of the National Constitutional Assembly, also appeared with bandages over his head. There were also other opposition and civic organisation leaders who were tortured in police custody after they attempted to hold a prayer meeting sanctioned by the High Court in Harare.
A story was published in The Sunday Mail to the effect that the Minister of Home Affairs, Mohadi had "summoned" Morgan Tsvangirai to substantiate the MDC's claims about escalating violence. The state press claimed that the MDC had embarked on a "sudden campaign to depict itself as a persecuted party to help shore up Britain's anti-Zimbabwe stance ahead of the EU-Africa Summit" to be held in Lisbon in December. A state columnist went as far as stating that the MDC hoped to gain mileage from cadavers.
ZANU (PF)'s way of handling complains is to put the victim on trial in an effort to prove that there is no political violence. It is the victim - the MDC - that must prove that the murderers and torturers had no option but to set upon the victims rather than the onus being on the perpetrators of the crime to prove their innocence. The Minister of Home Affairs would rather believe that the MDC dreamt up the figures it has quoted on political violence rather than adopt the more correct attitude of insisting on a professional and non-partisan police force as insurance against such atrocities.
There have been numerous instances in the past when horrific pictures of brutally battered or maimed Zimbabweans have been published in the press. For instance, even before the dust had settled down, the spokesman for the MDC and MP for Kuwadzana, Nelson Chamisa was assaulted by suspected ZANU (PF) vigilantes as he tried to leave the country for Brussels on official parliamentary business on March 18. The MP had only just recovered from being tortured together with Tsvangirai, Maduku, Grace Kwinje, Sekai Holland and others.
On May 8 2007, the Zimbabwe Republic Police used brutal methods to disperse members of the Law Society of Zimbabwe, including the president, Beatrice Mtetwa. The legal practitioners had gathered at the High Court to present a petition to the Minister of Justice, Legal and Parliamentary Affairs and the Police Commissioner. They were protesting the refusal of the State to comply with three High Court orders requiring the release of lawyers Andrew Makoni and Alec Muchadehama who had been arrested the week before.
Lately Mugabe's government has begun to target and terrorise lawyers, particularly those dealing with human rights and opposition politicians' cases. Members of the Law Society of Zimbabwe have endured various forms of harassment that include denial of access to clients, refusal to disclose the whereabouts of clients, chasing lawyers out of police stations, assaulting, arresting and detaining lawyers.
It is no secret that human rights defenders and journalists are often harassed by the Zimbabwean security forces acting on behalf of President Mugabe's government. Freedom of expression and freedom of assembly have been greatly curtailed during the last seven years of political, economic and social deterioration in the country.
Armed police swooped on the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) leadership on September 13 2006 as they prepared to march to present a petition to the Finance Minister at Parliament and the offices of the Employers' Confederation of Zimbabwe in Harare. Zimbabweans and the international community witnessed a classic case of brutality. Those who intended to march never moved an inch, yet the police resorted to excessive force on what could arguably be regarded as bystanders in Harare's streets.
On all these occasions, the Minister of Home Affairs remained deafeningly silent and has not shown the slightest interest to bring the culprits to book. Does this mean that Mohadi, whose responsibility is to ensure the safety and security of all Zimbabweans regardless of political affiliation, is selective in applying the principle of the sanctity of human life and the inalienable rights of individuals? It is the height of arrogance for officialdom to try to pretend that police brutality is not rampant.
On several occasions, the brutality was not even denied but touted. While in Egypt from the UN General Assembly on September 25 2006 (after the torture of ZCTU leaders), Mugabe came out in his true traditional violent mantra, saying, "We cannot have a situation where people decide to sit in places not allowed and when the police remove them, they say no. We can't have that, that is a revolt to the system. Vamwe vaakuchema kuti takarohwa, ehe unodashurwa. (Now some of them are crying, saying they were beaten up. Yes, you will be severely assaulted.) When the police say move, move. If you don't move, you invite the police to use force."
It is instructive to note here how Mugabe gave the impression that the ZCTU leaders got their bones broken because they refused to disperse when told to do so. Leaving aside the obvious point that the police have no right to assault people in any circumstances. The ZCTU leaders and others were assaulted in police holding cells, not on the streets.
In March 2007, shortly after the MDC President and his colleagues were tortured, the government accused the MDC of starting a terror campaign via a spate of petrol bombings against police and ZANU (PF) targets. Although 35 MDC activists were detained for months, they were released without charge. All the arrested people were subjected to severe assaults and torture by police officers calculated to induce confessions. What is most tragic about all this is that the regime knew all along that the detainees had no case to answer. The purpose of the arrests was simply to justify the crackdown on a legitimate political opposition whose only crime was to take a stand against dictatorship, tyranny and oppression.
The point has to be made that the terror campaign allegations have turned out to be a farce after the government's case against the alleged perpetrators collapsed in the courts. But innocent Zimbabweans were arrested, detained for long periods and tortured. It is amazing that Minister Kembo Mohadi is so quick to jump to the defence of a police force that acts so unprofessionally.
It should be recalled that as far back as mid-April 2000, as part of a crude campaign to depict the MDC as a party that uses violence, two Government Ministers announced at a press conference that it had intercepted an MDC document containing details of a supposed plot between the MDC, the CFU (Commercial Farmers' Union), the British and American governments, Zimbabwean industrialists and businesspeople, former Selous Scouts and sundry other white racists in South Africa. This alleged plot involved sabotaging the Zimbabwean economy and to giving military training to MDC cadres on various commercial farms around the country. This document was palpably a false document. All those alleged to have been involved in this so-called plot vehemently denied any such involvement. Clearly if the document had been genuine the conspirators would have laid themselves open to a whole variety of criminal charges. No one was arrested or charged in connection with this alleged plot.
Zimbabweans from all walks of life need to feel safe and secure in their own country regardless of whether they belong to a political party or not. It is therefore preposterous for government officials to imply that they would take seriously the figures in a document handed to the SADC Secretariat by the MDC only if the opposition party could prove the victims were its members. The unlawful and violent death of any Zimbabwean at the hands of state agents should prick the consciences of all decent humans regardless of whether any mediation talks are underway or not between the MDC and the ruling party.
The police service, funded by the public to maintain law and order, has abdicated its duty and aligned itself with the rampaging mobs, leaving Zimbabweans at the mercy of God and nature.
It is known that since the founding of the MDC in September 1999, ZANU (PF) started to set up militia camps in communal and commercial farming areas to be used to hunt down opponents. This was done under the guise of a mass political re-education exercise. The militias were tasked with weeding out opposition supporters, especially rural schoolteachers who became the victims of the political cleansing exercise. At some business centres, unfamiliar persons have been accosted by the militias who are quick to deal with strangers.
This was followed by the establishment of the so-called National Service Youth Training Centres that began with the Border Gezi Youth Training Centre in Mt Darwin. Officially the centre was set up as a National Service training facility. The youths wear the official green military fatigues which have gained them the nickname Green Bombers.
Besides torturing, raping and killing of the regime's opponents, the Green Bombers are also responsible for the widespread victimisation, assault and barring from entering the Nomination Courts during all presidential and parliamentary elections since 2000. Preventing a candidate from being duly nominated through coercive means is significant as according to the Electoral Law, an uncontested nominee wins the poll, regardless of whether an opposing candidate has been prevented from filing nomination papers due to political intimidation and/or physical violence. This is blatant state orchestrated violence.
On 16 March 2000, speaking in Shona Mugabe was quoted in Manicaland, while commissioning the Pungwe Water Project, as saying, "Those who try to cause disunity among our people must watch out because death will befall them." A few weeks later he threatened white commercial farmers with "very, very, very severe violence" if they took any action against the mobs of war veterans and ZANU (PF) thugs illegally occupying their farms.
The violence that followed the President's utterances claimed the lives of such farmers as David Stevens, Gloria and Martin Olds; MDC activists Talent Mabika and Tichaona Chiminya. Some white farmers who were supporters of the MDC were also beaten. Some MDC supporters were kidnapped by supporters of the ruling party and taken to places such as farms occupied by the war veterans and interrogation centres and beaten up. There was the notorious Hitler Hunzvi Budiriro surgery which was being used as a torturing centre, all this in the full glare of publicity.
Furthermore, the premises and printing press of The Daily News known to be critical of the government were destroyed when bombs exploded. Why has the ZRP not been impartial in investigating these and other cases involving political violence so as to take appropriate action?
The International Bar Association's Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI) issued a report on November 7 2007 pointing out that it found evidence of police torture, intimidation and illegal arrests, which threaten parliamentary and presidential elections scheduled for March 2008.
"Police officers are responsible for some of the most serious human rights and rule of law violations in Zimbabwe today.... The ZRP (Zimbabwe Republic Police) has consistently shown disrespect and contempt for the law, lawyers, and judicial authorities to an extent that it has seriously imperilled the administration of justice and the rule of law in Zimbabwe," the report said.
The charges are contained in a report entitled "Partisan Policing: An Obstacle to Human Rights and Democracy in Zimbabwe, October 2007." The International Bar Association said Zimbabwe's national police force violates not only the rights of those arrested but also those of their lawyers, and has been contemptuous of orders from the courts.
The standard response of the ZANU (PF) government and the government-controlled press to the escalating violence is to try to make out that it is the MDC that is perpetrating and provoking violence. For example, on 4 May 2000 (just as he did on October 26 2007) President Mugabe said: "We want the elections to be held in peace. It is the MDC who started burning houses and shops. They started the violence and now they're getting more than they bargained for. We will see to it that peace is there. That's why we have the police force. They want to beat others while they are not being beaten. If you beat a person and that person retaliates, who do you cry with?"
This just confirms the obvious that Mugabe is operating with impunity with no regard to the rule of law. In fact the evidence establishes that ZANU (PF) supporters and government agents have been responsible for most of the cases of serious violence, such as murder, rape and assaults resulting in bad injuries. No ZANU (PF) supporters have been killed whereas MDC supporters have died from firebombing, shooting and fatal assaults.
No government leader or official has condemned the violence that has been directed against members of the MDC or expressed regret for the violent deaths of MDC supporters. Because of this the impression has been created that the ZANU (PF) supporters, Green Bombers, members of the CIO, ZRP and some army officers have been given a licence to engage in this terror campaign.
The hate language, vitriolic attacks against officials of the opposition have intensified since the ZANU (PF)-MDC talks began in May 2007. The ruling party does not want to compromise with the opposition and civic groups. ZANU (PF) strives to outplay and outwit the opposition and does not at any time want to collaborate with the groups that it continues to brand as agents of regime change.
Zimbabwe's neighbours must stand firm against lawlessness and make clear that state-sponsored anarchy cannot be tolerated. They must take a leading role in ending the chaos and creating conditions under which a free and fair plebiscite could be held, and not just send election observers to monitor what would be a gigantic fraud. After all, it is also in the interests of these countries that Zimbabwe remains peaceful, stable and prosperous and not a new flashpoint of so much bloodletting that has blighted most of post-independent Africa.
It is hoped that the SADC leadership which has mandated South African president, Thabo Mbeki, to bring ZANU (PF) and the MDC to the negotiating table, will not tire in their efforts but seek bold and effective ways of pressuring a rogue regime to face possible electoral defeat without plunging the entire country and southern Africa into a needless conflict.
There is no justification whatsoever for any leader anywhere in the world to virtually suspend law and order so as to win an election by hook or crook. All political parties must be allowed to campaign anywhere in the country without any hindrance, leaving only the Zimbabweans to be the final arbiters of who governs them. No government can ever hope to remain in power through the use of brute force to cow its people.
Truly democratic polls in 2008 are a key requirement to any plan to pluck Zimbabwe out of an ever-worsening political and economic crisis. If the people have had enough of corruption and misrule and want change, they should be allowed to bring about that change peacefully through the ballot box.
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For more on political violence, read A Crisis of Governance: Zimbabwe, Algora Publishing, New York, 2004.
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